王绍光:民族主义与民主

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进入专题: 民族主义   民主  

王绍光 (进入专栏)  

  他们深信,通过积极参与国际社会,中国一定能够重振雄风 (Oksenberg 1987)。

  

  那么中国民族主义的高涨是不是会威胁地区稳定与世界和平呢?有些外部观察家认为一定会(Friedman 1997; Sautman 1997; Chang 1998),但他们的论述方式多属推测性的“想当然耳”,缺乏实实在在的证据。相反,多数观察者认为中国的民族主义是良性的。不错,中国会不惜一切代价来保卫其关键国家利益(如国家安全和领土完整),但它并未像其它新崛起国家那样展现出扩张性的民族主义。不错,中国渴望在世界民族之林占据它应有的地位,但它没有打算用一个以中国为核心的新国际秩序取代现有的国际秩序。在有些只涉及一般国家利益的问题上,中国甚至展现了妥协的意愿(Oksenberg 1987; Townsend 1992; Wang 1996; Zheng 1999; Zhao 2000)。

  

  总之,中国民族主义是一种内向而非外向的情感,在它身上找不着沙文主义、教条主义、排外主义、骄横好斗的极端倾向。恰恰相反,中国的民族主义是包容的、被动的、务实的、防卫性和温和的。相对于其它国家,如印度、南韩、日本、菲律宾或美国,中国的民族主义并不显得特别强悍。实际上,有一些资深的学者认为,中国的民族主义仍然十分羸弱。例如Lucian Pye便说,“当最需要民族主义发挥团结力量的时候,中国没有什么东西可以用来在精神上动员其人民” (1993: 133)。Pye的判断使我们想起Margaret Canovan的观察:民族主义的出现往往意味着这个国家还不够团结和安全(Canovan 1996: 101)。从这个角度看,民族主义的崛起标志着,在急促变化的世界中,中国人正试图为自己的集体认同、民族特征和国家目标准确定位。如果笔者在第二节中的论点是有道理的话,那么中国的民族主义应该不会与民主背道而驰;相反,它更可能成为加快中国民主进程的积极力量。

  

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