李怀印:集体制时期中国农民的日常劳动策略

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进入专题: 集体制   中国农民  

李怀印  

  他与其他村民之间私人关系的重要性,并不弱于严格按照规章进行劳动管理而给集体带来的总体收益的某种程度的增长。了解了此一事实,我们不难进一步理解集体化时期两个同时并存的基本现象。一个基本现象是,由于集体组织内部各种非正式的行为规范和正式的制度措施的共同制约,部分劳动者的“开小差”行为,通常都限制在干部和大多数社员皆可接受的一定范围之内,从而确保了基层集体组织相当程度的生产能力。另一个基本现象则是,由于这种基层生产组织的非私人化的现代式劳动管理要求,与卷入传统人际关系同时又排除个人产权的运作环境之间不相适应,其生产效率总体上不如脱离了这种集体组织、具备清晰的投入与收益关系的以家庭承包经营为特色的农业制度。

  

  【本文原载英文期刊The China Journal, No. 54, July 2005, 译成中文时略有改动】

  

  注释:

    1 例见Louis Putterman, “The Incentive Problem and the Demise of Team Farming in China”, Journal of Development Economics, Vol. 26, No. 1 (1987), pp. 103-127; Louis Putterman, “Ration Subsidies and Incentives in the Pre-reform Chinese Commune”, Economica, Vol. 55, No. 218 (1988), pp. 235-247; James K. Kung, “Egalitarianism, Subsistence Provision, and Work Incentives in China’s Agricultural Collectives”, World Development, Vol. 22, No. 2 (1994), pp. 175-187.

    2 例见 Justin Y. Lin, “The Household Responsibility System in China’s Agricultural Reform: A Theoretical and Empirical Study”, Economic Development and Cultural Change, Vol. 36, No. 3 (1988), pp. S199-224; Justin Y. Lin, “Collectivization and China’s Agricultural Crisis in 1959-1961”, Journal of Political Economy, Vol. 98, No. 6 (1990), pp. 1228-1252; Justin Y. Lin, “China: Farming Institutions and Rural Development”, in Mieke Meurs (ed.), Many Shades of Red: State Policy and Collective Agriculture (Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield, 1999), pp. 151-183; Peter Nolan, “De-collectivization of Agriculture in China, 1979-1982: A Long Term Perspective,” Cambridge Journal of Economics, Vol. 7, No. 3-4 (1983), pp. 381-403.

    3 有关中国乡村社会中的陈规、惯例和话语系统对村民日常社会行为的影响的详细讨论,参见李怀印《华北村治:1875-1938年的获鹿县》一书(Li Huaiyin, Village Governance in North China, 1875-1936, Stanford University Press, 2005)。

    4 参看 William Parish and Martin King Whyte, Village and Family in Contemporary China [Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 1978], p. 64; John P. Burns, Political Participation in Rural China [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988], 77); Richard Madsen, Morality and Power in a Chinese Village [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984], pp. 141, 237; Jonathan Unger, “Remuneration, Ideology, and Personal Interests in a Chinese Village, 1960-1980”, in William L. Parish [ed.], Chinese Rural Development: The Great Transformation [Armonk: M. E. Sharpe, 1985], pp. 117-140; Anita Chan, Richard Madsen, and Jonathan Unger, Chen Village Under Mao and Deng [Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992], pp. 93, 249); and Helen F. Siu, Agents and Victims in South China: Accomplices in Rural Revolution [New Haven: Yale University Press, 1989], p. 231). 中文资料方面,可参看国家农业委员会《农业集体化重要文件汇编,1958-1981 》(北京: 中共中央党校出版社, 1981), p. 874.

    5 有关其他地方乡村干部不愿实行计件制的情况,可参看David Zweig, “Peasants, Ideology, and New Incentive Systems: Jiangsu Province, 1978-1981,” in William L. Parish (ed.), Chinese Rural Development: The Great Transformation (Armonk: Sharpe, 1985), p. 146; Chan, Madsen, and Unger, Chen Village Under Mao and Deng, p. 249.

    6国家在五十年代集体化初期即提倡计件制,在六十年代初大跃进过后,以及七十年代中后期为了纠正文革极左错误,提倡“各尽所能,按劳分配” 的社会主义原则,又一再强调使用计件记工。

    7 有关大寨工分制在全国各地的实行情况,参见Jonathan Unger, “Remuneration, Ideology, and Personal Interests in a Chinese Village, 1960-1980”.

    8 其他地方类似的现象,参见Laurel Bossen, Chinese Women and Rural Development: Sixty Years of Change in Lu Village, Yunnan (Lanham: Rowman and Littlefield, 2002), pp. 111-112.

    9 有关此一问题的详细分析, 见李怀印Li Huaiyin, “Family Life Cycle and Peasant Income in Socialist China: Evidence from Qin Village”, Journal of Family History, Vol. 30, No. 1 (2005), pp. 121-138; and Li Huaiyin, “Life Cycle, Labor Remuneration, and Gender Inequality in a Chinese Agrarian Collective,” Journal of Peasant Studies, Vol. 32, No. 2 (2005).

    10 县、社妇联联合调查组, “男女同工同酬政策好, 妇女发挥半边天作用大—— 志刚大队实行男女同工同酬的调查”。

    11 县、社妇联联合调查组, 前揭文。

    进入专题: 集体制   中国农民  

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