节大磊:美国的政治极化与美国民主

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进入专题: 政治极化   美国民主   否决政治   民主  

节大磊 (进入专栏)  
其结果就是“灾难性”的“否决政治”和政治僵局。美国政治自20世纪70年代以来政治极化程度的不断上升既源于政治经济的变迁,也是制度沿革的后果。本文的讨论表明,在政党初选、选区划分和国会规则方面进行一些制度改革,是有可能缓解政治极化和“否决政治”的。这个路径似乎比福山在其书中所设想的改进美国的分权制衡体系更具可行性。

  

   [1] 本文是在2015年12月在北京大学国际关系学院主办的“西方民主反思”学术研讨会的发言基础上修改而成感谢参加研讨会的各位老师的批评指正,同时感谢《美国研究》匿名专家的评审意见。文章错谬概由作者负责。

   [2] Francis Fukuyama, “America in Decay: The Sources of Political Dysfunction,” Foreign Affairs (Sept./Oct. 2014), Vol. 93, No. 5 (Sept. 2014), pp. 5-26.

   [3] Francis Fukuyama, Political Order and Political Decay: From the Industrial Revolution to the Globalization of Democracy (New York, NY: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2014), p. 505。关于“否决型角色”的讨论,参见George Tsebelis, Veto Players: How Political Institutions Work (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2002)。

   [4] 参见David Brady, and Hahrie Han, “Polarization Then and Now: A Historical Perspective,” in Pietro S. Nivola, and David W. Brady (eds.), Red and Blue Nation? Characteristics and Causes of America’s Polarized Politics (Washington, DC: Brookings Institution, 2006), pp. 119-151。

   [5] 关于州议会和最高法院极化现象的研究,参见Boris Shor, and Nolan McCarty, “The Ideological Mapping of American Legislatures,” American Political Science Review, Vol. 105, No. 3 (Aug., 2011), pp. 530-551; Tom S. Clark, “Measuring Ideological Polarization on the United States Supreme Court,” Political Research Quarterly, Vol. 62, No. 1 (Mar., 2009), pp. 146-157。

   [6] 关于这几个时期政治极化的对比,参见David Brady, and Hahrie Han, “Polarization Then and Now: A Historical Perspective,” 2006, pp. 119-151;张业亮:《“极化”的美国政治:神话还是现实?》,载《美国研究》,2008年第3期,第8-10页。

   [7] Michael Barber, and Nolan McCarty, “Causes and Consequences of Polarization,” in Jane Mansbridge, and Cathie Jo Martin eds., Negotiating Agreement in Politics (American Political Science Association, 2013), p. 20.

   [8] Alan I. Abramowitz, The Disappearing Center: Engaged Citizens, Polarization, and American Democracy (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010), p. 141.

   [9] Richard H. Pildes, “Why the Center Does Not Hold: The Causes of Hyperpolarized Democracy in America,” California Law Review, Vol. 99, No. 2 (2011), p. 277.

   [10] Barbara Sinclair, Party Wars: Polarization and the Politics of National Policy Making (Norman, OH: University of Oklahoma Press, 2006), p. 6.

   [11] Gardiner Harris, and David M. Herszenhorn, “Obama and G.O.P. Senators Meet on Filing Scalia’s Seat, to No Avail,” New York Times, March 1, 2016.

   [12] 相对于在政治精英的极化上的共识,学界对于大众选民的极化存在较多的争论。一种观点认为选民并没有发生极化现象,参见Morris P. Fiorina, Samuel J. Abrams, and Jeremy C. Pope, Culture War? The Myth of Polarized America (New York, NY: Pearson Longman, 2005)。另一种观点认为,尽管选民并没有严格意义上的极化,他们却因为政治精英的极化而有了更清晰一致的归类(sorting),亦即选民的意识形态和政党认同之间的关联更加紧密。参见Matthew Levendusky, The Partisan Sort: How Liberals Became Democrats and Conservatives Became Republicans (Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 2009)。

   [13] Larry M. Bartels, “Partisanship and Voting Behavior, 1952-1995,” American Journal of Political Science, Vol. 44, No. 1 (Jan. 2000), pp. 35-50.

   [14] Abramowitz, The Disappearing Center: Engaged Citizens, Polarization, and American Democracy, 2010, p. 27.

   [15] Jeff Zeleny, “Initial Steps by Obama Suggest a Bipartisan Flair,” New York Times, November 23, 2008; Phillip Bump, “Obama is the Most Polarizing President On Record, But It’s Not Entirely His Fault,” Washington Post, February 6, 2015.

   [16] CBS News Poll, “President Bush, the Ports, and Iraq,” February 27, 2006, http://www.cbsnews.com/htdocs/pdf/poll_bush_022706.pdf; Carl M. Cannon, “A New Era of Partisan War,” National Journal, Vol. 38, No. 11 (Mar., 2006), pp. 43-44.

   [17] Marc J. Hetherington, “Putting Polarization in Perspective,” British Journal of Political Science, Vol. 39, No. 2 (Apr. 2009), pp. 413-448.

   [18] James MacGregor Burns, The Deadlock of Democracy: Four-Party Politics in America (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall Inc., 1963).

   [19] 这里的“南方”即是指内战时期曾经组成南方邦联政府的11个州(南卡罗来纳、密西西比、佛罗里达、阿拉巴马、佐治亚、路易斯安那、得克萨斯、弗吉尼亚、阿肯色、田纳西和北卡罗来纳),北方则指剩余的美国各州。

   [20] Doug McAdam, and Karina Kloos, Deeply Divided: Racial Politics and Social Movements in Postwar America (New York, NY: Oxford University Press, 2014), pp. 65-120.

   [21] Edward G. Carmines, and James A. Stimson, Issue Evolution: Race and the Transformation of American Politics (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1989), p. 53.

   [22] Thomas Piketty, and Emmanuel Saez, “Income Inequality in the United States, 1913-1998,” The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol. 118, No. 1 (Feb. 2003), pp. 1-39; 朱文莉,《美国开启后奥巴马时代》,载《国际战略研究简报》,第26期,北京大学国际战略研究院,2015年10月15日,第3页。

   [23] Nolan McCarty, Keith T. Poole, and Howard Rosenthal, Polarized America: The Dance of Ideology and Unequal Riches (Cambridge, MA: The MIT Press, 2006), p. 78.

[24] 关于美国政党直接初选制度的出现,参见Alan Ware,(点击此处阅读下一页)

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